By Mark Hendrickson
As soon as considered as a unique period characterised by means of severe bigotry, nostalgia for less complicated occasions, and a revulsion opposed to energetic executive, the Nineteen Twenties were rediscovered through historians in contemporary many years as a time while Herbert Hoover and his allies labored to seriously reform monetary coverage. In American hard work and monetary Citizenship, Mark Hendrickson either augments and amends this view through learning the origins and improvement of recent period coverage services and data. Policy-oriented social scientists in govt, alternate union, educational, and nonprofit businesses confirmed how tools for attaining solid monetary progress via elevated productiveness might either defang the feared enterprise cycle and defuse the trend of antagonistic type kinfolk that Gilded Age depressions had helped to set as an American approach of commercial kinfolk. associated by way of rising associations reminiscent of the Social technological know-how examine Council, the nationwide city League, and the Women's Bureau, social investigators attacked rampant sexual and racial discrimination, frequently justified through wrong organic arguments, that denied girl and minority staff complete fiscal citizenship within the office and the polity. those students verified that those practices not just restricted productiveness and undercut improved intake, but additionally belied the claims for equity that needs to buttress coverage visions in a democracy.
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Additional info for American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression
Even in the 1930s, victory in this regard was not imminent and concerns remained. In fact, the NUL and National Association for the Advancement of Colored People viewed the Wagner Act with great concern, fearing it would codify existing discriminatory union and business practices. In practice, however, when the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) explicitly reached out to the NUL and black industrial workers in the 1930s and the New Deal protected their right to organize, many African American industrial workers achieved a path to the middle class.
39 On the emergence of social work, see Andrew J. F. Morris, The Limits of Voluntarism: Charity and Welfare from the New Deal through the Great Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009); Linda Gordon, Pitied But Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994), particularly 67–108; Roy Lubove, The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880–1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1965); Alice O’Connor, Poverty Knowledge: Social Science, Social Policy and the Poor in Twentieth-Century U.
50 Yet at other times, a shared status could be of great concern, as when experts gravely pondered the reality that with the ending of mass immigration after World War I, black, Mexican American, and Mexican immigrant workers appeared to be left to compete with against one another for the least skilled and poorest paying occupations. Chapter 5 demonstrates that during a decade when policy makers celebrated the fruits of economic abundance garnered with only the lightest touch from the state, Women’s Bureau leaders and investigators saw gender research as a form of labor activism that would advance the cause of all workers.
American Labor and Economic Citizenship: New Capitalism from World War I to the Great Depression by Mark Hendrickson